De Klerk is no God’s gift to the African people

It has become fashionable to accord and heap all manner of praises, eulogies, and felicitations on F.W. de Klerk for the so-called emancipation of our people with the unbanning of political parties and the release of political prisoners on that fateful day of February 2, 1990.
 
De Klerk has earned international acclaim and bestowed with the much-coveted Noble Peace Price. Twenty years later, he still receives unending accolades for the “sterling role” that he has played to free the Africans from bondage.
 
I wish to argue that we don’t owe de Klerk praise, nor accolades, or any other expression of gratitude. 
 
The oppressive apartheid settler regime was the most heinous and devious oppressive regime known to mankind. The catalog of its monstrous activities exceeded the atrocious bestial level of psychopaths, bandits and war criminals.
 
De Klerk’s so-called historical announcement on February 2, 1990 was an act of conceding defeat. His regime could no longer sustain the war that his forbearers started in 1652. The forces of progress were determined to make the last and final stand against the racist regime that has been declared a crime against humanity by the United Nations.
 
The liberation of Mozambique left the apartheid regime shell shocked since it meant new adversarial neighbors. The liberation of Zimbabwe, through revolutionary means, ushered into power ZANU with the installation of a new flag and the reimposition of the ancient name of Zimbabwe. In a desperate attempt to forestall the inevitable, the apartheid regime sponsored insurgency and bandits like RENAMO and UNITA but their efforts proved ineffective. Attempts to repel and extirpate Cuban forces from Angola proved futile. In the air space of Angola the South African airpower of Impala, Mirage and Cheestas was a poor match for the ferocious might of the Cuban MiG-23. The sheer imposing sound of the Cuban airpower sent apartheid soldiers screaming for their mothers. The buoyant and gallant forces of MK and Cubans witnessed the desperate fleeing of apartheid soldiers with tails behind their shaking legs. Apartheid power surrendered and an armistice resulted in the UN sponsored Resolution 435 which paved the way for the independence of Namibia.
 
The apartheid regime was faced with immense challenges on virtually all fronts. On the home front it faced incessant labor unrest under the aegis of Cosatu and Nactu.
 
Civil disobedience crippled the local government sector since the Vaal 1984 Rent uprising. International pressure was mounting with the impending hanging of the Sharpeville Six. Schools were rendered battlefields with occasional clashes between students and the bellicose soldiers led by COSAS, that offspring of Lulu Johnson.
 
AZAPO’s Muntu Myeza, Thami Mcwera, Lybon Mabaso and Ishmael Mkhabela gave the regime sleepless nights, with occasional lucid articles verdant with ideas that were laced with Steve Biko’s nuances, mass action and targeted boycotts.
 
The African ecumenical community led by the feisty Desmond Tutu and the African business community led by the pondering Dr. Nthato Motlana gave the regime little rest.
 
The imposition of the state of emergency escalated violence further. The Rand Daily Mail, of May 5, 1987 reported that in 1986 alone there were 76 hand grenade attacks, 64 limpet mines explosions, one RPG7, 12 landmine explosions and 76 cases of the use of a Russian AK47.
 
The Azanian People’s Liberation Army (APLA) had been reconstituted with new impetus by the arrival of Sabelo Phama in exile which saw the launch of fresh attacks and scores of cadres infiltrating the countryside. The activities of APLA’s “Sgubhu” Dube, Abraham “Gags” Magagula and Thapelo Maseko are instructive.
 
In a desperate attempt to undercut the growing urban resistance and defiance, the regime sponsored vigilante groups to no success. The forces of progress were marching gallantly in an unyielding manner towards the finish line of victory.
 
The people‘s resistance was organized up to a street level, with street committees and self-defense units manned by militant youth who responded to Oliver Tambo’s call to render the country ungovernable. Economic sanctions, sports isolation, coupled with the ever increasing militant activities of the mass democratic movement left the regime gasping for air. 
 
Faced with a country that was engulfed in a tumultuous urban warfare, the white community could no longer trust the regime with their future and safety. Open defiance from the white populace increased which further emasculated the nationalist grip over power.
 
The insistence by Stellenbosch students to visit the ANC was met with embarrassing rejoinder. Increase in the membership and activists of the End Conscription Campaign made white youth conscious of the futility of defending apartheid’s decadence. Increase in the militancy and open defiance of white academics such as Sampie Terreblanche left the apartheid emperor with only a worn out underwear. Organized business was becoming apprehensive of operating in a volatile environment whose businesses were targets of attacks and mass looting.
 
It soon became a public relations disaster to justify or excuse apartheid. Apartheid was nearing its sell-by date and its decaying smell was evident to all. The regime was no longer capable of defending itself let alone its own shadow.
 
The regime began a process of gradual surrender to give an impression of bravery. It released a number of ANC and PAC prisoners from Robben Island in 1987 namely Sello Matsobane, Zifozonke Tshikila and John Nkosi. In November 1987 it released Gavon Mbeki and in 1988 Harry Gwala and Zeph Mothopeng were released. Soon Japhta Masemola and Walter Sisulu were let free. De Klerk was buying time and accruing concessions especially from the international community which was beginning to ease sanctions. 
 
The African people have earned their freedom themselves. Due regard, esteem and glory belongs to them. Praise belongs to the many buried cadres, it belongs to the many maimed and injured, to the many countless who are now unknown and unremembered.
 
February 2 marks the date of surrender of the racist regime period! Before the nation and the world they hoisted a white flag of defeat and capitulation. Why must we praise them for accepting the unenviable defeat? A boxer does not give his crown to the opponent that he has defeated. Such a thing only takes place in the world of phantasmagoria.    
 
De Klerk’s speech on February 2 was made out of exasperation, raising intolerable high blood pressure of his inner cabals and securocrats, nightmarish fears of the ultimate Armageddon, unfounded notions of the annihilation of the white race in a scale far unprecedented to the Afrikaners killing at Dingaan’s kraal.
 
The regime was for the first time afraid; it was very much afraid and was frantically and desperately in search of an escape door. Heaping praise on de Klerk is sheer profligacy, hypocrisy, silly and downright selling out. He did not wake up loving Africans any different than on February 1, 1990. That is why he now wants to create an Afrikaners only University. We owe this chameleonic character Nothing, fokol!!  

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